For 18 years, “global hegemony” remained at the radical fringe of
mainstream political thought; it was ridiculed, rejected, or ignored.
But in 2001 it was injected intact into the structures of U.S. foreign
and defense policy, when 29 PNAC ideologues moved into pivotal
positions in the Bush Administration. Richard Cheney as Vice President,
Donald Rumsfeld as Secretary of Defense, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle,
Lewis “Scooter” Libby, Richard Armitage, and 23 other secretariat-level
officials quickly dominated the policymaking process in the areas of
energy security, defense, and foreign affairs.
The decision to invade Iraq was formalized in the first ten days of the
new Administration, and operational planning was begun soon thereafter.
Weeks later Afghanistan was targeted as well.
The premeditated wars had nothing to do with terrorism: 9/11 was still
six months in the future. The wars had much to do with “global
hegemony” — and the oil and gas resources of Iraq and the Caspian
Basin.
The attacks on the Trade Towers and the Pentagon provided a fortuitous
and spectacular opportunity. After the months of planning and
preparation for hegemonic, preemptive wars, here was a unique and
credible means of disguising and launching them. The opportunity was
seized in a heartbeat, and a monumental fantasy, the “War on Terror,”
was born. It was and remains a calculated smokescreen.
The mainstream press, true to its notable and noted irresponsibility,
has yet to disclose this epic deception, but the story is indisputable:
it is fully documented elsewhere. (For merely the most recent example,
see
The Mega-Lie Called the War on Terror: A Masterpiece of Propaganda .)
If the Democrats are not fully aware of this, they are criminally
negligent. If they are aware of it and choose to ignore it, elevating
partisan political advantage over the rule of law, they are criminal
accomplices.
Either way, they are placing in immense jeopardy a Democratic victory
in 2008. Rank-and-file Democrats — and many decent, thinking citizens
of other political persuasions — are appalled and outraged by the
inertia in Washington, by the prancing superficial politicking while
dozens of Americans, Afghanis, and Iraqis die each day in immoral,
illegal, and useless violence. Few of these voters are likely to be
enthusiastic about waffling, triangulating Democrats.
The Democrats have a recent record of demonstrated brilliance in losing
Presidential elections, and the Democratic Congress at the moment is
held in lower esteem than President Bush. A Democratic sweep in 2008 is
by no means a given.
But the Democrats’ flaccid accommodating poses a far greater hazard: it
imperils our nation’s institutions of governance and the character of
our public life. The lying, deception, and distortion practiced by the
Bush Administration, its secrecy, corrupt cronyism, tragic
incompetence, repeated violations of Constitutional norms, and
unmatched fiscal profligacy simply cannot stand unchallenged if our
nation is to survive as we know and cherish it. George Bush has
reconstituted the
res publica
, the “public thing,” into a state of crypto-fascism; absent a
conscious disclosure and rejection by the Democrats, what can return us
to decency and sustainable democracy?
The Democrats seem
willing, however, only to issue softball rebukes to the Bush
Administration and its counterfeit war. They offer non-binding
resolutions and hopeful deadlines for troop withdrawals, applaud the
shameful testimony of General Petraeus, and hasten to chastise
MoveOn.Org for calling it that.
If the Democrats expect a clear — and deserved — victory in 2008, the
Bush Administration and its “War on Terror” must be repudiated, not
merely rebuked. The crypto-fascism Mr. Bush has created must be stopped
dead in its tracks and vigorously reversed.
In the minds of millions of Americans the grounds for impeachment are
superabundant. That would accomplish the repudiation, but the Democrats
refuse, whining “We don’t have the votes.”
That alibi is laughably specious. How can you count the votes in the
jury before the trial begins, before the evidence is marshaled and
presented? No, the Democrats don’t lack the votes: they can’t possibly
know if they do or don’t. They lack courage and integrity. But let us
for the moment yield to Ms. Pelosi, Mr. Reid, and the others and leave
impeachment off the table.
We must believe the partisans in the Congress today all share a genuine
dedication to the nation’s long-term well being. We must believe they
would be well served by the truth about the “War on Terror,” and would
not back away from acting on it.
The Democrats have an inescapable responsibility — and the indisputable
power — to provide that truth, and they don’t “need the votes” to do
so. The chairs of every committee in both houses are Democrats, and
they can orchestrate investigations and hearings virtually
unrestrained, with full powers of subpoena and the ordering of
testimony under oath.
We were promised inquiries when the Democrats recaptured Congress, and
yes there have been some — into such trivial issues, by comparison, as
the clumsy political firings of U.S. attorneys. Yes, there has been
sworn testimony — that the witnesses’ memories had lapsed. Yes,
subpoenas have been issued — and ignored. If the Democrats can do no
better than this, they do not deserve to sweep the elections in 2008
and to govern the country thereafter.
We need two vigorous and sharply-focused inquiries, and we need them
now: one into the Administration’s warmaking activities in the early
days of its tenure, long before 9/11, and the other into the facts and
true circumstances of that horrendous day.
There is substantial, credible, and responsible disbelief about the
Bush Administration’s official explanation of 9/11. Dismissing the
skeptics, however, as “conspiracy crazies” has become a popular sport.
This is extremely unfortunate. The issue demands not to be trivialized,
and deserves more than acrimonious debate and sarcastic accusations. If
there is serious and widespread doubt about any one of the elements of
9/11 — the failure of our air defenses, the nature of the collapse of
the several buildings, the Administration’s initial refusal and
subsequent delay and obstructionism in seeking the facts, the
conflicts-of-interest in the 9/11 Commission, the rigor and veracity of
the 9/11 Report — then there is ample reason to call for a new inquiry,
one of unquestioned rigor and integrity. And no one can doubt there are
doubts: we must have that inquiry.
We must also learn the truth of the covert war planning underway in the
first six months of the Bush Administration: how and why the National
Security Council virtually declared war on Iraq in January of 2001; how
and why the Security Council and Richard Cheney’s Energy Task Force
were directed, in a memorandum dated February 3, 2001, to “meld” their
policies; how and why that memo spoke of “the capture of new and
existing oil and gas fields”; how and why the Cheney Task Force was
studying maps of the Iraqi oil fields in March of 2001; how and why the
privatized structure of Iraq’s postwar oil industry was designed in the
U.S. State Department a year before the war began; how and why the
secret White House Iraq Group was directed by the President to market
the war, through its skills in perception management; how and why the
Bush Administration continued negotiating Afghan pipeline rights-of-way
with the Taliban (unsuccessfully), until weeks before the Trade Towers
were hit; whether in fact 9/11 served as the “new Pearl Harbor” called
for and anticipated by the PNAC people exactly a year earlier; how and
why the military invasion of sovereign nations trumped the demonstrated
efficacy of international police action in apprehending terrorists; how
and why President Bush twice refused offers from the Taliban to
surrender Osama bin Laden; how and why the Bush Administration was
ready with financing to build a Trans-Afghanistan pipeline and with
permanent military bases to defend it 16 months after invading the
country; how and why five permanent “super bases” are nearing
completion in Iraq to accommodate up to 100,000 troops; how and why the
U.S. Embassy under construction in Baghdad today is ten times larger
than any other American embassy in the world.
The “War on Terror” is the signature accomplishment of the Bush
Administration. Secrecy and subterfuge are the signature processes of
its governing. Before we can choose intelligently our next President,
and our next Congress, we need to know the truth about this war, in all
its dimensions.
The hesitating, timorous Democrats don’t need to “have the votes” to
provide this truth. They need only the dedication to the survival of
the rule of law, and to their oaths to uphold and defend the
Constitution of the United States.
If the Democrats refuse to seek the truth, they will not deserve nor
can they expect the financial support, the votes, or the respect of
patriotic and concerned Americans.
Richard
W. Behan lives and writes on Lopez Island, off the northwest coast of
Washington state. He is working on his next book, To Provide Against Invasions: Corporate Dominion and America’s Derelict Democracy. He can be reached at rwbehan@rockisland.com. (This essay is deliberately not copyrighted: it may be reproduced without restriction.)