One of the most bloodthirsty dictators of the 20th century – who killed up to a million of his own people, then ruthlessly raped a defenseless country, took it over and killed 200,000 more – died last week. The Bush Administation's reaction was swift, and entirely characteristic of a government that has devoted itself to the advancement of human liberty across the globe:
THE United States hailed former Indonesian president Suharto as a "historic figure" who "achieved remarkable economic development", in a statement released by its embassy in Jakarta.
“President Suharto led Indonesia for over 30 years, a period during which Indonesia achieved remarkable economic and social development,” ambassador Cameron Hume said in the release....
Offering his condolences on behalf of the United States, Mr Hume praised Suharto for his close ties to the United States and his role in creating the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
But we wouldn't like to leave the impression that the Bush response was nothing more than a big wet kiss from one bloodstained tyrant to another. No, in the midst of his laudatory statement, Ambassador Hume suddenly lashed out with a daring verbal blow for the cause of freedom, going so far as to say that "there may be some controversy" over Suharto's legacy. "Some controversy!" Boy, that's telling it like it is. Say on, brother!
He quickly tempered this rash outburst, however, by noting that "President Suharto was a historic figure who left a lasting imprint on Indonesia and the region." In much the same way that, oh, say, Adolf Hitler left a lasting impression in his neck of the woods.
What exactly did this remarkable historic figure do to earn such paens? John Pilger tells the tale in his fond remembrance of Suharto in The Guardian:
Here lies a clue as to why Suharto, unlike Saddam Hussein,
died not on the gallows but surrounded by the finest medical team his
secret billions could buy. Ralph McGehee, a senior CIA operations
officer in the 1960s, describes the terror of Suharto's takeover in
1965-6 as "the model operation" for the US-backed coup that got rid of
Salvador Allende in Chile seven years later. "The CIA forged a document
purporting to reveal a leftist plot to murder Chilean military
leaders," he wrote, "[just like] what happened in Indonesia in 1965."
The US embassy in Jakarta supplied Suharto with a "zap list" of
Indonesian Communist party members and crossed off the names when they
were killed or captured. Roland Challis, BBC south-east Asia
correspondent at the time, told me how the British government was
secretly involved in this slaughter. "British warships escorted a ship
full of Indonesian troops down the Malacca Straits so they could take
part in the terrible holocaust," he said. "I and other correspondents
were unaware of this at the time ... There was a deal, you see."
The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard
Nixon had called "the richest hoard of natural resources, the greatest
prize in south-east Asia". In November 1967 the greatest prize was
handed out at a remarkable three-day conference sponsored by the
Time-Life Corporation in Geneva. Led by David Rockefeller, all the
corporate giants were represented: the major oil companies and banks,
General Motors, Imperial Chemical Industries, British American Tobacco,
Siemens, US Steel and many others. Across the table sat Suharto's
US-trained economists who agreed to the corporate takeover of their
country, sector by sector. The Freeport company got a mountain of
copper in West Papua. A US/European consortium got the nickel. The
giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia's bauxite.
America, Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of
Sumatra. When the plunder was complete, President Lyndon Johnson sent
his congratulations on "a magnificent story of opportunity seen and
promise awakened". Thirty years later, with the genocide in East Timor
also complete, the World Bank described the Suharto dictatorship as a
"model pupil".
The holocaust in East Timor – like the maniacal frenzy of Suharto's
original coup – was of course greenlighted and abetted by Washington,
as I noted in an earlier piece marking the death of another bagman of
empire: "The Enduring Legacy of Gerald Ford."
But Ford's enduring legacy is in no way exhausted by the
glories of his bloodthirsty political progeny [his top staffers Dick
Cheney and Don Rumseld]. For the sad occasion of the statesman's death
is certainly a most appropriate time to recall what is probably his
greatest geopolitical masterstroke: the green-lighting of Indonesia's
1975 invasion of East Timor – an act of state-sponsored terrorism that
killed more than 200,000 people...
...The documents were
obtained through the Freedom of Information Act – in June 2001, before
George W. Bush gutted the law – but only reported in December of that
year by the Washington Post. Kissinger and Ford had long denied any
prior knowledge of the murderous assault, even though they'd been
feasting with the genocidal Indonesian tyrant Suharto the day before
the troops went in. However, in a secret State Department cable, Ford
and Kissinger actually told Suharto before the attack that "we
understand the problem you have and the intentions you have" and "we
will not press you on the issue."
Kissinger, ever mindful of the media angle, added in another love note:
"We understand your problem and the need to move quickly but I am only
saying that it would be better if it were done after we returned."
The murders were carried out with U.S. weaponry. Congress had
restricted their use to defensive purposes only, but Kissinger blithely
brushed this aside, assuring Suharto that America would "construe" the
invasion as "self-defense rather than a foreign operation." Kinda like
Hitler did with Poland.
Naturally, the December 2001 story was buried by the usual bull-roaring
of Bush praise in the media. In fact, in the same issue of the Post in
which news of the declassification first appeared, you might have been
diverted from its revelations by a fascinating piece on the editorial
page, a long disquisition on the new ordering of the world, penned by
one of our most revered elder statesmen:
Henry Kissinger.
[I should also note] that on September 21, 1999, Sander Thoenes, a former colleague of mine at The Moscow Times, was murdered in East Timor,
almost certainly by Indonesian military forces, while covering the last
throes of Jakarta's fury before East Timor won its independence –
another fact to be recorded with the high and mighty deeds of Gerald R.
Ford.
2.
But how does such blood and filth come to be countenanced by the great
and the good of the West, the defenders and embodiments of the values
of civilization? Pilger and Jon Schwarz provide two excellent glimpses
into the mindset of the Establishment grandees who create government
policy and shape the public discourse.
When Suharto was falling from power during 1998, I listened
to an NPR show on Indonesia. It was hosted by the father of someone
with whom I went to high school. The guests and the host spoke about
Indonesian history, but made no mention of the "staggering mass
slaughter" after Suharto took over in 1965, nor of the US support for
all of it. Then someone called in and asked why they hadn't.
Specifically the caller spoke of how the US embassy had given the
Indonesian military lists of thousands of members of the communist
party, so they could be more efficiently killed.
The host
found all this preposterous and scoffed. In particular he wanted to
know how the caller had gotten the ridiculous idea that the US had
handed over death lists.
I don't know where the caller had gotten that idea, but I know where
I'd gotten it: from a book on Indonesia I checked out from a library
THREE BLOCKS AWAY FROM THE HOST'S HOUSE.
Of course, you can't really fault the host for not knowing about this.
He was only a New York Times reporter and graduate of Harvard, so no
one had ever taught him how to read.
Also, if I remember correctly, Lyndon Johnson had attended his
wedding...which must have been during the same period as the coup, when
Johnson was making decisions that led to the hundreds of thousands of
people being shot and hacked to death with machetes. You can see how
you might not want to find out you're the kind of person who has
friends like that.
Then Pilger offers this chilling – and telling – conclusion to his piece on Suharto's death:
Shortly before the death of Alan Clark, who under Thatcher
was the minister responsible for supplying Suharto with most of his
weapons, I interviewed him, and asked: "Did it bother you personally
that you were causing such mayhem and human suffering?"
"No, not in the slightest," he replied. "It never entered my head."
"I ask the question because I read you are a vegetarian and are seriously concerned with the way animals are killed."
"Yeah?"
"Doesn't that concern extend to humans?"
"Curiously not."
When it comes to the great and the good, never forget this one fact:
they hate you, and they don't care if you suffer and die, just as long
as they can keep gorging on the perks of loot and power.