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by Dave Lindorff
All the attention in the breaking story about John McCain's 2000 relationship with a blonde young telecom lobbyist has been focussed on the question of whether or not they were "doing it."
As George Stephanopoulos claimed on ABC, the importance of the story depends upon whether McCain is shown to have had a "relationship" with the lobbyist, Vicki Iseman.
But really, who cares whether they were shacking up on the campaign trail? McCain, after all (a man who clearly has an eye for pretty ladies), already double-timed his starter wife, Philadelphia model Carol Shepp for a trophy model. As the story goes, after returning from his POW experience and finding Shepp permanently disabled from a serious car accident, McCain started having an affair with the statuesque and wealthy beer industry heiress Cindy Hensley. He then dumped Shepp as so much damaged goods. So it's not as though this guy is going to be campaigning on a strong pro-family platform.
No, the reason his aides, back in 1998-2000, started working
behind the scenes to keep Iseman away from McCain, and confronted
McCain over his dalliances was because McCain, who had a history of
corruption, most notably his card-carrying membership in the Keating
Five savings and loan scandal, couldn't afford to appear to be
backsliding.
It isn't, that is to say, a matter of whether or
not McCain was diddling Vicki. It's whether he was delivering for her
and her clients, perhaps in return for her delivering for him.
As
the New York Times reported in its investigative story on the
McCain/Iseman liason, published February 21, the media were reporting
back in 2000 on how McCain had been writing letters on behalf of some
of Iseman's telecom clients.
The Times article reports that
McCain wrote letters in 1998 and 1999 to the Federal Communications
Commission urging it to uphold marketing agreements that would allow TV
companies like Glencairn Ltd., an Iseman client, to control two
stations in the same city. The paper says the senator also introduced a
measure in the Senate that would create tax incentives for minority
ownership of stations, a measure sought by Iseman on behalf of several
media clients. McCain also on two occasions reportedly pushed
legislation that would permit a company to control television stations
in overlapping markets. That was a measure being sought by Paxson (now
Ion Media Networks), yet another Iseman client.
The Times
reports that in 1999, Iseman asked Mr. McCain's staff to send a letter
to the FCC seeking approval of a television deal being sought by Paxon.
McCain sent that letter, and a second one — a level of interference
which led to a rebuke from the then FCC chairman.
So what's the
story here? Is it whether Sen. McCain is an adulterer? Or is it whether
he is a rank hypocrite posing as a Mr. Clean Government?
The
problem may be that what McCain was doing shilling for the telecom
industry is not illegal, and is not uncommon. In fact, it's what our
legislators do. Virtually all of them. The only thing different about
McCain is that he claims he doesn't do that, at least not since he saw
the light when he nearly went to jail for it, or at least had a near
political death experience after hitching his nascent congressional
career to a corrupt banker's wagon.
Meanwhile, we see once again
what a wussy newspaper the New York Times is — at least where
investigating the Right is concerned. Once again, we learn, this time
from the New Republic, that the Times and its executive editor, Bill
Keller, held, this time for over two months, a political story that the
public had a need and right to know about during a critical election
campaign. How different might the presidential campaign look now if the
Times had run its story in December, when it was ready to go, well
ahead of the Iowa caucus and the New Hampshire primary, instead of now
when McCain has the Republican nomination all but sewn up?
This
kind of dithering and backpedaling and censorship by Keller, which
reportedly followed intense lobbying and threats by McCain and his
campaign, recalls Keller's holding (for a year, and until after the
2006 Congressional election!) of a reporter's story about the National
Security Agency's illegal warrantless spying program, and his holding
and ultimately killing of an already typeset story (a week before the
2004 presidential election) about the remote cueing device on President
George Bush's back and in his ear during the 2004 presidential debates.
(See my story on this in FAIR's Extra magazine and in Mother Jones
magazine.)
We are left to wonder, what other great stories is Keller hiding from us, perhaps until after Election Day this November?
We
are also left wondering how the Times can justify running a glowing
editorial endorsement of McCain for the New York state primary at a
time that the paper already had, ready to publish, it story exposing
him as a sleeze and a crook on the hook to the telecom industry.

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