It is a bitter irony that Alton will soon be editing the Independent, which opposed the Iraq war.
In
January 2006, Stephen Glover, the Independent’s media commentator,
wrote of the Observer:
“...one looks in vain to its heart for that old
voice of principle and conviction, as well as intellectual distinction.
I am not sure that Mr Alton, charming and gifted man though he
unquestionably is, believes in very much”. (Glover, ‘Colourful - and
that's not just the Observer editor's language,’ The Independent,
January 16, 2006)
So was the Observer under Alton really to the left of the media
spectrum? In responding to the question of whether he would take the
Independent further left, Alton commented recently:
“I wouldn't have regarded myself as the most leftwing person... Left
and right are effectively meaningless terms now. I wouldn't define
myself by those terms and I don't think a newspaper should either.”
(Stephen Brook, ‘Alton aims to make Indy “indispensable,”’ The
Guardian, April 10, 2008)
He added:
"I would like to include a bit more luxury and have a sense of specialness.”
Certainly the words “left” and “right” are “effectively meaningless” in
today’s media. But then it is the media’s self-assigned task to render
just about every issue meaningless. As ever, Noam Chomsky is on hand to
restore some common sense to the debate:
“If the left means anything, it means it’s concerned for the needs,
welfare, and rights of the general population.”
News Coverage And The Social Elite
The fact is that the general population is not well represented within
elite journalism. In 2006, research conducted by the Sutton Trust found
that 54% of Britain’s leading news journalists were educated in private
schools, which account for 7% of the school population as a whole. In
addition, 45% of the country’s leading journalists had attended
Oxbridge. Sir Peter Lampl, chairman of the Sutton Trust, asked:
“[Is] it healthy that those who are most influential in determining and
interpreting the news agenda have educational backgrounds that are so
different to the vast majority of the population?“
He also asked:
Alton’s dismissal of ’left’ and ’right’ as meaningful terms is surely
an example of exactly that. Lampl will not have been surprised to learn
that Alton’s father was a distinguished Oxford don and that Alton was
privately educated at Clifton College before attending Exeter College,
Oxford.
For purposes of ‘niche marketing’, senior journalists are of course
very keen to distance themselves from the idea that they represent
elite interests. Instead, the focus is very much on high ethical
ideals. Simon Kelner, Alton’s predecessor as Independent editor,
explained in 2005 what the name 'Independent' meant to him:
"...there will be no retreat from the qualities that have underpinned
The Independent since its launch. As we approach the general election,
the role for an independent paper, one that is not driven by
proprietorial agenda and that has no party allegiance, is as great as
ever." (Kelner, 'The Independent: a new look for the original quality
compact newspaper,’ The Independent, April 12, 2005)
This is the same myth propounded by Robert Fisk,
who commented in 2003:
"I work for a British newspaper called The Independent; if you read it, you'll find that we are."
The reality is rather less glorious. Former New Statesman editor Peter
Wilby wrote recently of Alton and Kelner’s close friendship:
“Both have political views that may be described as flexible or undogmatic, depending on how you look at it.
“True, one committed his paper to supporting the Iraq invasion, the
other to opposing it. But given different circumstances, it is easy to
imagine either of them deciding on the opposite course. Many
friendships were ruptured by Iraq. That between Alton and Kelner
survived - another example of how similar they are.” (Wilby, ‘It is. Is he?’ The Guardian, April 14, 2008)
The problem is that many people believe the Independent is a principled
voice of left-leaning liberalism. Wilby quietly demolished this
illusion:
“[T]he Independent's founders never intended it to be a left-wing
paper. Their preference, in the late 80s, was for Thatcherism with a
human face. They expected to gain most readers from the Telegraph and
Times. As it turned out, they found leftwing journalists more willing
to join their venture and acquired more readers from the Guardian than
from other papers. The editorial line remained pro-market and generally
pro-foreign intervention, but compassionate towards the poor (in a
vague sort of way) and leftish on social issues such as race, crime and
smacking. Its position, in many respects, anticipated Blairism. Alton,
who in 2006 described hostility to Blair as ‘quite baffling‘, could
claim to echo the founders' views more closely than Kelner has done.”
Writing in the Guardian, Stephen Brook noted that Kelner, now the
Independent’s managing director and editor-in-chief, “has basically
outsourced the Independent's marketing department to Freud
Communications, run by the well-connected Matthew Freud”:
“Freud will help to fashion the message that it connects directly with
brand-conscious, upscale, young, high-earning readers.” (Brook, ‘Upward
and onward for the Independent's revolutionary,’ The Guardian, April
13, 2008)
The reality, then, is of a corporate cynicism that places advertising
revenues attracted by “brand-conscious, upscale, young, high-earning
readers” above the grave problems that afflict and threaten the “needs,
welfare, and rights of the general population”. This is the actual and
metaphorical bottom line.
Faithfully Reporting Claim And Counter-Claim - Observer-Style
As
we discussed on March 5,
in the autumn of 2002, former CIA analyst Mel Goodman told Observer
correspondent Ed Vulliamy that the CIA believed Iraq did +not+ possess
weapons of mass destruction. Goodman was speaking out at a time when
such revelations might have derailed Blair’s plans to go to war the
following spring, with unknown consequences for Bush’s war plan. Over
the next four months, Vulliamy submitted seven versions of the story
for publication - The Observer, led by Alton, rejected all of them. We
wrote to Vulliamy on February 27:
Dear Ed
Hope you're well. I've been reading Nick Davies's account of how your
reports on Mel Goodman's revelations were rejected seven times by the
Observer. Did you try to publish the pieces elsewhere? Why did you not
resign in protest at these obvious acts of censorship on such a crucial
matter?
Best wishes
David Edwards
Vulliamy replied with what can only be described as an angst-ridden
email, but insisted the contents were not for publication. We wrote
again on February 28:
“Can I ask, also off the record (just out of human interest), what
reasons did they give you for not publishing? You're a major journalist
on the paper, this was cast-iron testimony from a credible, named
source - what on earth did they say?”
Vulliamy said he would answer our questions later (again, off the
record). We received no further reply. We wrote again, and he again
said he would reply. We wrote again on April 21 and he told us he was
busy and again promised more later.
We also wrote to Roger Alton on April 21:
Hi Roger
We hope you're well. Congratulations on becoming editor of the Independent.
In his book Flat Earth News, Nick Davies describes how the Observer's
Ed Vulliamy told him about his autumn 2002 conversations with former
CIA analyst Mel Goodman. It seems Goodman was willing to go on the
record in telling Vulliamy that the CIA believed Iraq had +no+ weapons
of mass destruction. Vulliamy says he submitted seven versions of this
story to the Observer over a period of four months and it was rejected
every time. Is this true? If so, why did the Observer reject the story?
Was this not a crucial story offered at a crucial time by a highly
credible journalist citing credible sources?
Best wishes
David Edwards and David Cromwell
Alton replied on April 25:
Hi there ... Thank you for your good wishes ... I do not start there
for some months though and am not the editor of the Independent now
As for your other point, so it was my old pal Ed who grassed me up eh??
Lordluvaduck, what a surprise ... like Falstaff and Prince Hal eh??
Now, I don't know anything about this tale ... while I think an editor
should read, or try to read, all the 250,000 - odd words that go into
an edition of the Observer, I would not expect them to read all the
several million words that are submitted eaxh week ... as I understand
it, this story was not used by the desk, on journalistic grounds, and
indeed this was a decision taken by a very anti-war executive ..
There was an article setting all this out in a recent edition of Press Gazette, which I am sure you can easily find...
Yours sincerely
Roger Alton
How remarkable that Alton is unaware of the Mel Goodman “tale”. We can
find nothing in Press Gazette that explains why seven versions of
Vulliamy's article were rejected over four months. We approached
several of the journalists involved for comment on this bizarre
response, none was forthcoming.
In 2004, we asked Alton about the Observer’s performance on Iraq in 2004. He responded:
"I think our reporting on Iraq was exceptionally fair. Journalism is by
definition a first draft of history. It is rough and ready, people
doing their best under trying circumstances often. We faithfully
reported claim and counter claim in the build up to Iraq. With
exceptional journalists like Peter Beaumont, Jason Burke, and Ed
Vulliamy our news, feature and commentary coverage was fair, thorough
and unbiased." (Email to Media Lens, August 17, 2004)
Ironic words in light of what we know now. A year earlier, a journalist
at the Observer, who asked to remain anonymous, wrote to us:
"Your media alerts and website have afforded me great solace and
insight over the last eighteen months - making me feel less alone and
more angry as the wretched failure of the 'fourth estate' to hold our
'leaders' to account becomes increasingly apparent." (Email to Media
Lens, March 2003)
On reflection, it seems incredibly naïve to imagine that free speech
will flourish under corporate capitalism. It is true that we do not
face the kind of physical threats offered by a totalitarian system -
but so what? For most people, the threat of serious damage to a
lucrative, high status career is enough to ensure their silence.
In the last decade of corresponding with journalists we have found that
they often 'do' behave as though they were living in a police state, or
at least in a state policed by corporate power. Many are privately
supportive and helpful. Indeed, many journalists who might be expected
to be fierce opponents of our work, are in fact enraged by the
mendacity and destructiveness of the media employing them. But they
tell us their comments must be off the record; that they are not
willing to comment over the internet (which is surely monitored); that
they will help us only on condition that their names be concealed.
Could it be more obvious that journalists do not feel free to write the
truth about Alton and Kelner, and much else, because of the likely
professional consequences?
Above, we cited the biting criticisms of Alton made by the
Independent’s Stephen Glover in 2006. Hugo Rifkind of the Times
recalled these comments this month and noted that Glover had also
written that the Observer under Alton was "bursting with stuff I do not
want to read".
“And, his new Editor may surmise, would not wish to write”, Rifkind
commented wryly, hinting that Glover may pay a price for his earlier
candour. (Rifkind, ‘Write and wrong,’ The Times, April 11, 2008)
We spend our time well when we recall that Alton and Kelner have edited
two of the Great White Hopes of the British liberal press - newspapers
which many people believe are deeply concerned about the needs,
welfare, and rights of the general population.
SUGGESTED ACTION
The goal of Media Lens is to promote rationality, compassion and
respect for others. If you do write to journalists, we strongly urge
you to maintain a polite, non-aggressive and non-abusive tone.
The Media Lens book ‘Guardians of Power: The Myth Of The Liberal Media’
by David Edwards and David Cromwell (Pluto Books, London) was published
in 2006. John Pilger described it as: “The most important book about
journalism I can remember.” For further details, including reviews,
interviews and extracts, please click here.